In the context of pre-modern thinking, it is not at all difficult for Japanese people to acknowledge that the power of food extended far before a person was born and long after their death. Indeed, many people still offer food to the deceased and prepare meals for infants who cannot yet eat solid food, without considering why they must do so. They seem to believe that as long as it is a common practice, there is no need to explain its reasons or origins. However, if in the future someone were to raise a straightforward question about the basis of this kind of common sense, a new academic discipline would be necessary to answer it. This is because dogmatic authority has already fallen, and a collective method to guide us to the next understanding has not yet been established.

deceased（名）故人

First, the factual scope of this issue needs to be determined, and at the same time, the evidence that should serve as material has only been partially verified. It goes without saying that the means to organize and classify these to clearly understand what old customs are between oneself and others are completely lacking. I believe that the current special feature of “Tabi to Densetsu” can be commemorated as at least one turning point. Of course, the range of influence of this report collection is less than one percent of Japan’s territory, and there are few articles representing important traditional preservation areas, especially in the islands and mountainous regions. However, it is certain that some enthusiastic observers involved in this have simultaneously experienced unexpected introspection and urgent questions. The two hasty judgments that we have been trapped in for a long time will probably be broken by this. One of them is that customs, which ignorant people thought were common, are surprisingly completely different even between neighboring areas. People rarely attend funerals held in other places, and even if they have the opportunity to attend, they do not try to imitate those rituals. Therefore, when they talk about customs with each other, they find that the styles vary slightly from place to place. This has become quite clear in the current special feature, making it impossible not to wonder why this is so. Secondly, there are those who, knowing only a little about the customs of the central region, believe that their own land has unique customs, feeling ashamed or boasting about them to surprise others. Conversely, there seems to be a surprising similarity with distant regions. In matters of marriage and birth, new customs are often adopted. Parental love and marital affection can make people compromise, and because they have the leeway to alleviate future anxieties even slightly, the regions practicing the same customs tend to gradually expand. However, it must be a revelation to newly discover that there are similar customs in places so far apart that they do not even know each other’s locations, or that there are strikingly similar customs that are about half different, which cannot be called mere coincidence. Although it seems like nothing special, such opportunities to learn about these things have been rare until now. Even if current folklore studies do not utilize such materials at all, those who observe and describe folklore themselves would be greatly interested in comparing and contrasting these nationwide facts. They would inevitably want to actively question what these facts mean and what causes have led to such phenomena.

factual（形）事実上の

go without saying......言うまでもない

organize（動）整理する

commemorate（動）記念する

simultaneously（副）同時に

introspection（名）内省

urgent（形）緊急の

trap in.....閉じ込める

ignorant（形）無知な

parental（形）親の

marital（形）夫婦の

affection（名）愛情

compromise（動）妥協する

leeway（名）余裕

alleviate（動）緩和する

strikingly（副）著しく

coincidence（名）偶然の一致

contrast（動）対比する

The questions I currently have are, of course, from before the publication of this report. There is a significant concern that, after reading it, some of these questions may no longer need to be asked or may be considered trivial. However, it is also interesting in that it allows me to check whether my predictions were correct. In terms of illustrating which parts of this type of collected records have the power to enlighten independent researchers, it holds considerable value. Of course, this is the first time we are collecting data, and we must continue to do so many times in the future. If we do not allow the issues to grow and differentiate gradually during this period, the efforts of the pioneers will become increasingly unrewarded. Therefore, I alone face the risk that my previous opinions may collapse, and I present examples that can be called the results of the investigation and the response to your efforts before anything else. I intend to use this as a mere expression of gratitude. There are also some interesting issues related to birth customs, but I have not published much on them yet. Regarding funerals, the evolution of burial practices is quite deeply related to future policies, so I have included some of the results in the 500th issue of the “Jinruigaku Zasshi (Journal of Anthropology)” and in “Sanson Goi (the Vocabulary of Mountain Villages).” The main facts common to the customs of life and death are the living conditions in huts and the accompanying taboos, but it is necessary to carefully argue this after thoroughly reading new reports. For now, I will describe to what extent this collective report on the relatively overlooked issue of meals, which seems to have no major opposing arguments, was an urgent suggestion. Upon closer observation, it can be considered that the customs of life and death respond to each other.

unrewarded（形）報われない

thoroughly（副）徹底的に